The Role of Balik Islam in the Development of the Philippine Halal Industry

Introduction

Behind every halal-certified product purchased or service obtained are hidden stories of untold dedication and zeal exerted by various Muslim groups scattered across the globe. Driven primarily by the motivation to preserve religious identity against the increasing tide of secularization as well as non-Muslim influences, the increasing formalization and recognition of halal industries across countries are replete with stories of Muslim individuals and groups who successfully asserted the importance of a religiously sanctioned mode of consumption as a legitimate form of economic activity.

Living in a predominantly Christian nation, Filipino Muslims have struggled to protect their distinct religious and cultural identities within the Philippine archipelago. Although the colonial era has ended and the Philippines now stands as an independent nation-state, Muslim minorities continue to view the Christian-dominated government in Manila with anxiety and distrust. One domain where these long-standing tensions become visible is the governance of the country’s halal industry, which remains a sensitive point of contention between Christian and Muslim Filipinos.

This article analyzes the development of the Philippine halal industry through the lens of Balik Islam, a term referring to Filipinos who converted^[1] to Islam^[2]. It argues that this subgroup has been a significant social force behind the formalization, development, and international recognition of the country’s halal sector. Drawing on four case studies, the article highlights Balik Islam initiatives to (1) promote halal awareness and consumption, (2) participate in global halal regulatory networks, (3) strengthen and professionalize the entire halal ecosystem, and (4) preserve the distinctly “religious” character of the Philippine halal industry. While this article does not overlook the efforts and initiatives of other Muslim groups in the Philippines, particularly the “born Muslims” who originally hail from the Islamized ethnic tribes in Mindanao^[3], it focuses on the initiatives of Balik Islam groups to contribute to the still limited scholarship on this underexplored segment of Philippine Islam.

A Brief History of the Global Halal Industry

The modern halal industry emerged in the late 1970s in the Middle East. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, the newly established Ayatollah-led regime sought to reverse the secular and Westernizing tendencies of the previous government through a broad program of re-Islamization. As part of these reforms, the regime promoted the institutionalization of Islamic economics, within which the halal industry became a key component. To advance that agenda, Iranian halal auditors and experts were dispatched to non-Muslim countries such as the United States, New Zealand, and Australia to introduce slaughtering standards within major meat-exporting markets. Perceiving this as a form of religious competition, Saudi Arabia soon emulated the Iranian approach, using the promotion of halal certification to assert Sunni orthodoxy and counter the influence of its new Shia rival in the global Islamic sphere.^[4] As a result, the religious competition between the two Muslim states accelerated the formalization and mainstreaming of Islamic economics in the Gulf region, particularly in halal food and non-food production and distribution, as well as in Islamic finance^[5].

While the Gulf states popularized the halal industry as early as the 1970s^[6], the growth and development of the halal industry in Southeast Asia gained momentum only after the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis^[7].

The impact of that crisis in Malaysia created the conditions that prompted the government to elevate the halal industry as a national economic priority. Pressured by increasing unemployment and dissatisfaction among Malaysian citizens, the Malaysian Pan-Islamic Party (PAS) found new political opportunities to challenge the political domination of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). Since PAS is backed by conservative ulama and religious leaders, UMNO managed to temper the PAS’s increasing power and popularity by positioning Malaysia as a regional halal hub as enshrined in the Malaysia Vision 2020 document released in 1998^[8]. As a result, the Malaysian government had provided the necessary government support to formalize the country’s halal industry through the development of halal standards, centralization of halal certification in a single government body (the JAKIM), and research and development (R&D) investments to acquire the necessary technology needed to ensure the halal integrity of food and non-food products within the Malaysian domestic market since 1998^[9].

Malaysia’s positioning as a regional halal hub in 1998 coincided with the creation of one of the sub-regional groupings of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) referred to as the Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA). Founded in 1994, the BIMP EAGA was created to connect the peripheral economies of the four participating states through facilitation of trade and investments across the subregional area^[10]. Specifically, in 2001, the four participating states decided to include the halal industry in the free trade agenda of the sub-region through the announcement of the 1^st BIMP-EAGA Muslim Business Summit held in January 2002 in General Santos City, Mindanao, Philippines^[11].

The Growth of the Philippine Halal Industry

While the Philippines is a Christian-majority nation, the country’s halal industry had already been established prior to the 1^st BIMP-EAGA Islamic Business Summit in January 2002. Through the efforts of a Manila-based da’wah (missionary) group called Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines (IDCP), the first halal certificate in the Philippines was issued in 1987 at the request of Indonesian, Pakistani, and Saudi Arabian embassy officials and staff wanting to ensure that the meat and other food products they purchased while living in the Christian-majority Philippines are compliant with Islamic requirements and standards^[12]. In 1995, in response to increasing demand by food and beverage exporters based in Luzon (northern Philippines), the IDCP decided to formalize and standardize its halal certification standards^[13].

Against the backdrop of developments in Luzon, the Philippine hosting of the 1^st BIMP EAGA Muslim Business Summit in January 2002 resulted in several mobilization efforts across Mindanao (southern Philippines)^[14]. These mobilization efforts were both initiated by Muslim and Christian-owned businesses and their respective industry associations in the region such as the Muslim Business Forum, Mindanao Business Council, and other city-based chambers of commerce and industry. These groups collectively called for stronger government involvement in developing the Philippine halal industry, which at that time was still in its infancy. Their demands centered on a series of government interventions aimed at resolving market coordination problems within the broader halal ecosystem. Among their key proposals were the creation of a unified halal certification system, the harmonization of standards for halal food and non-food production, and support for small- and medium-scale enterprises (SMEs).

However, despite these initiatives, the Philippine halal industry continues to face challenges arising from policy gaps, overlapping mandates and infighting within the Filipino Muslim community.

The Hidden Role of Balik Islam in Mainstreaming the Halal Industry

In recent years, there has been growing scholarly and public interest in the role of Balik Islam within Islam in the Philippines^[15]. Earlier academic work and media reports often portrayed Balik Islam converts negatively, as potential drivers of radicalization of Filipino Muslim minorities, especially during the US-led Global War on Terror. According to these accounts, born Muslims usually regard Balik Islam’s religious practices and interpretation of Islam as too literal and doctrinally flawed, perceptions that, in turn, fueled suspicions linking converts to extremist or terrorist activities during this period^[16].

The halal industry is another area within Philippine Islam where the Balik Islam and certain “born Muslim” groups contend. Despite repeated appeals from halal certification bodies (HCBs) and da’wah organizations urging Filipino Muslims to consume only halal-certified products, many born Muslims remain relatively inattentive to strict compliance in their consumption practices. For a number of them, consuming food prepared by their fellow Muslims is already considered enough to comply with their religious dietary restrictions^[17]. Meanwhile, others contend that certain fatwas (religious rulings) permit the recitation of “Bismillah” before eating as sufficient to purify the food they are about to consume^[18]. In contrast, members of the Balik Islam group do not only insist on the importance of halal consumption but they have also launched initiatives to mainstream and formalize the halal industry in the Christian-majority Philippines.

Balik Islam and Mainstreaming Halal

“It is funny and surprising that Filipino Christians are more concerned with fixing the Philippine halal industry compared to us, Muslims,” remarked Marilou Ampuan during the 2023 Philippine Halal Trade and Tourism Expo held in Davao City on 25 May 2023. Her comment came in response to a question about the current state of the Philippine halal industry^[19].

A convert from Protestant Christianity, Marilou “Tita Malou^[20]” Ampuan, is a Balik Islam businesswoman based in Davao City in the southern Philippines. She has devoted her resources to promote Islam in the region and to educating her fellow Muslims in Mindanao on the importance of observing strict halal consumption. Her vision is carried out through two initiatives: the Universal Islamic Center (UIC) and the annual Philippine Halal Trade and Tourism Expo (PHTTE).

Founded in 2000, the UIC is a Davao City-based non-profit religious body committed to the renewal of Islamic practice among Filipino Muslims. Through the conduct of religious instruction classes, the UIC used these activities as an opportunity to remind Filipino Muslims—both converts and born Muslims—about the importance of adherence to halal consumption. According to the author’s last conversation with Ampuan, she mentioned that the UIC is applying to become a halal certification body (HCB) supporting the regional halal industry in the Davao Region of Mindanao ^[21].

Through the UIC, Ampuan also decided to extend her advocacy by organizing the annual PHTTE. Originally, the Philippine Halal Trade and Tourism Expo was conceived as an exhibition aimed at promoting halal-certified products from Mindanao and other Muslim-owned businesses, and providing a platform for business networking to strengthen and harmonize the broader regional halal supply chain in Mindanao. However, as the annual event’s popularity grows, government agencies could no longer ignore its significance. This is evident in the consistent financial and logistical support provided by government bodies such as the Philippine Halal Export Development and Promotion Board (PHEDPB)^[22].

Being based in Davao City provides an advantage to Ampuan’s advocacy. Since the creation of the BIMP-EAGA in 1994, Davao City has hosted the numerous annual business conferences and networking events of the sub-regional grouping^[23]. In 2009, Davao City also accommodated the intention of Bruneian investors who looked at Mindanao as a potential investment destination to roll out Brunei’s Halal Brand project, an effort by Brunei Darussalam to also position itself as a regional halal production hub, mimicking the previous efforts of Malaysia and Indonesia.^[24]

Balik Islam and the Globalization of the Philippines Halal Industry

A Balik Islam organization has played a pivotal role in connecting the Philippine halal industry to the world. Known as the Converts to Islam Society of the Philippines (CONVISLAM), the group established a da’wah organization named the Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines (IDCP), a Manila-based Muslim religious association which later transformed itself into a halal certification body (HCB) recognized by the major halal exporting companies in the northern Philippines^[25].

Unlike other trade areas, global halal trade exists outside the major government-to-government (G2G) arrangements governed by the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) or regional and bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs). Instead, global halal trade relies on mutual recognition arrangements (MRAs) among private or state-linked HCBs across the globe, who belong to several and competing regulatory networks, such as the World Halal Council (WHC), World Halal Food Council (WHFC), and the International Halal Accreditation Forum (IHAF). Hence, to become part of the global halal trade, it is not enough for a state to enjoy trade relations with Muslim majority countries. HCBs operating within states must be integrated into these regulatory networks operating outside interstate agreements and international institutions.

Founded in 1981, the Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines was instrumental in the integration of the Philippine halal industry into the global halal trade^[26]. In 1998, IDCP officials became one of the pioneer members of the World Halal Council (WHC) founded in 1999 in Jakarta, Indonesia, to harmonize halal certification standards among members. As a young regulatory network, the IDCP served as its de facto secretariat by officially registering the WHC with the Philippine Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) until GIMDES—a halal certification body from Turkey—assumed responsibility and leadership of the organization in 2005^[27]. Although leadership of the WHC was later transferred to GIMDES, Filipino Muslims in the IDCP continue to play an active role in the organization, particularly in its global advocacy to protect the sanctity of halal industry standards from the intervention of secular and non-Muslim interests.

Balik Islam and the Struggle to Keep Halal “Muslim” in the Philippines

In 2001, former Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo issued Executive Order No. 46, s. 2001. Aimed at regulating and unifying halal standards across the Philippines in order for exporters to fully capture the opportunities available in the halal export markets of BIMP-EAGA countries (Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines), the policy order effectively criminalized all privately owned HCBs and designated the Office of Muslim Affairs (OMA) as the sole halal certifier in the Philippines^[28]. In addition, the policy order aligns the Philippines with the regulation of its ASEAN neighbors by creating a single body to perform the mandate of halal certification and regulation across the region^[29].

While the policy order intends to align the Philippine halal industry with its Southeast Asian neighbors, Arroyo’s order in 2001 was regarded by certain Filipino Muslim groups as an attack against their faith. In this regard, the Balik Islam activists took the lead in opposing the newly introduced regulatory policy by using the IDCP as their organizational instrument^[30].

Through the IDCP, several Balik Islam individuals contested the legality of the E.O. 46 in the Philippine Supreme Court. For the IDCP and its supporters, the Office of Muslim Affairs is not considered as a Muslim body, since the Philippine Constitution explicitly states that the Philippine government is a secular republic. Therefore, regardless of whether the OMA is tasked to handle Islamic cultural and religious issues in the country, that Office is a non-Muslim entity which, according to a number of Filipino Muslim organizations, does not possess the necessary expertise and authority to determine whether a certain product or service is halal or not. In addition, the IDCP also invoked the constitutional provision on the inviolable separation of Church and State to justify their opposition by arguing that halal regulation is not merely a technical audit but also a religious ritual, since the process involves the invocation of sharia law^[31]. Thus, in 2003, the Supreme Court decided in favor of the Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines and ruled E.O. No. 46 as unconstitutional^[32].

Twelve years after, the IDCP again demonstrated its commitment to protecting the halal industry against non-Muslim intervention but at the global level, via the World Halal Council (WHC) platform. Alarmed by the efforts of the European Union to introduce its own regional halal standards via the European Standardization Committee (CEN), the WHC called for a global meeting of halal certification bodies in 2015 referred to as the historic “Istanbul meeting.”^[33] Inviting all HCBs across the globe regardless of whether they are WHC-members or not, the Istanbul meeting served as a platform for IDCP officials to showcase its struggle and victory against secular, free market proponents, and non-Muslim interests in 2003, as the Philippine Supreme Court affirmed that halal regulation is a religious ritual. By highlighting the Philippine experience, the Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines positioned itself as a successful case study to justify the sacred character of halal certification and of the broader regulation of halal industry^[34].

The Istanbul meeting is considered a successful protest and resistance against the EU initiative. During the meeting, the WHC and other non-affiliated HCBs attending the event condemned EU-based ulama, who decided to collaborate with EU officials and agencies for the formulation of the intended regional halal standards for EU-member states^[35]. As a result, the EU abandoned these efforts and global halal trade has continuously relied on the mutual recognition arrangements (MRAs) exercised by global halal regulatory networks across the globe operating externally from interstate trade relations agreements.

Balik Islam as Consultants to Integrate the Whole Halal Ecosystem

The final area of Balik Islam contribution to the Philippine halal industry is the development of the other parts of the Philippine halal ecosystem beyond certification itself. For years, various halal stakeholders in the Philippines have sought to standardize halal certification processes by regulating HCBs or creating a single HCB for the Philippine market. However, many stakeholders forget that the halal industry goes beyond the certification aspect, since halal compliance requires that the whole supply and production chain adhere to existing standards, especially the standards implemented by the export market destination. According to the author’s Balik Islam respondents, “It should be halal from farm to plate.”

As a result, certain Balik Islam individuals took the initiative to address the aspects of the Philippine halal ecosystem that required specific attention.

During fieldwork, the author met a halal consultant—a convert from Catholicism—specializing in marketing and advertising. He built his own firm to develop other areas of the Philippine halal ecosystem. Lately, he has been active in educating Christian Filipinos about the non-religious benefits of participating in the halal industry, particularly in terms of health and ethical consumption considerations. Furthermore, he also spearheaded bringing the Philippine halal industry into the e-commerce space^[36].

Another halal consultant the author met is a former Protestant woman convert to Islam who is also involved in mentoring non-Muslim entrepreneurs in marketing, branding, and advertising through value-adding training sessions. What sets her apart, however, is her expertise in preparing entrepreneurs interested in applying for halal certification, ensuring they possess the necessary training, documentation, and internal systems to meet government requirements and satisfy audit standards set by halal certifiers and ISO bodies^[37].

Philippine Halal Industry: Quo Vadis?

Although Filipino Muslims constitute a minority, the community is further divided, particularly between born Muslims and converts. As this article demonstrates, patterns of halal consumption provide a clear example of how tensions and disagreements between these two groups manifest.

Despite these internal factions, the Philippine government continues to aspire to become a recognized halal exporter. In 2016, the Philippine legislature passed the Republic Act No. 10817, which mandated the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) to spearhead the development of the Philippine halal export industry. In addition, the new law also designated the Philippine Accreditation Bureau (PAB)—a sub-agency of the DTI—to initiate the accreditation of privately owned halal certifiers in the country engaged by exporters. The implementation of the new law reignited tensions between Muslim groups and Christian officials in the Philippine government. In particular, the new legislation resulted in the coexistence of three regulatory regimes overseeing the Philippine halal industry, each led by different private or public bodies: halal certification bodies (HCBs) themselves, the National Commission of Muslim Filipinos (formerly the Office on Muslim Affairs), and the Department of Trade and Industry–Philippine Accreditation Bureau (DTI-PAB). Yet, despite these overlapping regulatory and bureaucratic arrangements, the Philippines has recently registered notable progress in developing its halal sector. This year, the Philippines is ranked 8^th among non-members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the 2025 Global Muslim Travel Index^[38]. In addition, the 2022 Global Islamic Economy Report has included the Philippines as one of the non-OIC countries with a strong halal industry presence^[39].

At present, Senator Robin Padilla—the only Muslim in the current composition of the Philippine Senate—holds ongoing discussions to standardize and unify the halal certification system in the Philippines. While the move is expected to be opposed by certain factions within the Filipino Muslim minority population, a Muslim senator leading the charge to simplify the halal regulatory systems in the Philippines might provide new opportunities to sustain the takeoff of this faith-based market.

Notes

1. For many Filipino Muslims, the identity of Balik Islam is someone who returned to Islam from another religion. This is premised on the belief that, prior to the arrival of Western colonizers, the precolonial Philippine archipelago was Islamic. Hence, for many Filipino Muslims, Balik Islam individuals are reverts. However, the author uses the term “converts” rather than “reverts,” acknowledging ongoing debates over whether precolonial Philippine society can accurately be described as Islamic. ↑
2. Morados, Macrina A., and A. F. Malayang. Balik-Islam in Some Selected Areas in Luzon and the National Capital Region: Motivations of Conversion and Challenges Encountered. UP CIDS Discussion Paper Series 2023-03, 2023. Retrieved from: https://cids.up.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/Balik-Islam-in-Some-Selected-Areas-in-Luzon-and-the-National-Capital-Region-Motivations-of-Conversion-and-Challenges-Encountered.pdf. ↑
3. Morales, Y. R. “Multiple Identities, Multiple Streams: Narratives and Discourse on Filipino Muslim Spirituality.” In Transfiguring Mindanao: A Mindanao Reader, edited by J. Canuday and J. Sescon, 156–168. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2022. ↑
4. Bergeaud-Blackler, Florence. “The Halal Certification Market in Europe and the World: A First Panorama.” In Halal Matters: Islam, Politics and Markets in Global Perspective, edited by Florence Bergeaud-Blackler, Johan Fischer, and John Lever, 105–126. New York: Routledge, 2016. ↑
5. Hanieh, Adam. “Variegated Finance Capital and the Political Economy of Islamic Banking in the Gulf.” New Political Economy 25, no. 4 (2020): 572–589. ↑
6. Ibid. ↑
7. Rudnyckyj, Daromir. “From Wall Street to ‘Halal’ Street: Malaysia and the Globalization of Islamic Finance.” The Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (2013): 831–848. ↑
8. Ibid. ↑
9. Lever, John. “Re-imagining Malaysia: A Postliberal Halal Strategy.” In Halal Matters: Islam, Politics and Markets in Global Perspective, edited by Florence Bergeaud-Blackler, Johan Fischer, and John Lever, 19–37. New York: Routledge, 2016. ↑
10. Duron, J. M. “EAGA: Revving Up Mindanao’s Economy.” Mindanao Times, April 2, 1998, 51(235). ↑
11. Mindanao Times. “Mindanao–Malaysia Muslim Business Council Formed.” Mindanao Times, October 31, 2001, 55(126): 17. ↑
12. Interview with an IDCP official, February 6, 2023. ↑
13. Regor, N. The IDCP in Retrospect at 41. Manila: Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines, 2022. ↑
14. Olermo, J. “Understanding the Halal Process on Food.” Mindanao Times, November 14, 2003, 57(136): D. ↑
15. Morados, Macrina A., and A. F. Malayang. Balik-Islam in Some Selected Areas in Luzon and the National Capital Region: Motivations of Conversion and Challenges Encountered. UP CIDS Discussion Paper Series 2023-03, 2023. Retrieved from: https://cids.up.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/Balik-Islam-in-Some-Selected-Areas-in-Luzon-and-the-National-Capital-Region-Motivations-of-Conversion-and-Challenges-Encountered.pdf. ↑
16. Banlaoi, Rommel C. “Transnational Islam in the Philippines.” The National Bureau of Asian Research (2009): 167–188. ↑
17. Interview with a former commissioner of the National Commission on Muslim Filipinos, December 1, 2022. ↑
18. Interview with a Muslim government official from the Philippine Economic Zone Authority (PEZA), May 23, 2023. ↑
19. Personal observation at the Philippine Halal Trade and Tourism Expo, Davao City, Philippines, 2023. ↑
20. Tita is the Filipino word for auntie. ↑
21. Interview with Marilou Ampuan, April 23, 2023. ↑
22. The PHEDPB comprises the following government agencies: the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), National Commission on Muslim Filipinos (NCMF), Department of Tourism (DOT), Department of Health (DOH), Mindanao Development Authority (MINDA), Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA), and two representatives from the Muslim professional sector. ↑
23. Sayson, M. L. “Investments Continue to Pick Up in Davao.” Mindanao Times, April–May 1995, 48(87): 7. ↑
24. Hamid. “Brunei Minister to Attend Mindanao Expo to Seek Food-Product Tie-Up with RP Firms.” Halal Focus, August 7, 2009. Retrieved from Halal Focus: https://halalfocus.net/brunei-minister-to-attend-mindanao-expo-to-seek-food-product-tie-up-with-rp-firms/. ↑
25. Regor, N. The IDCP in Retrospect at 41. Manila: Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines, 2022. ↑
26. Ibid. ↑
27. World Halal Council. “World Halal Council Annual General Meeting 2015.” October 2, 2015. Retrieved from: https://www.worldhalalcouncil.com/world-halal-council-annual-general-meeting-2015.html. ↑
28. Sadain, M. K. The Legal and Institutional Ecosystem of Halāl in the Philippines. 2022. Retrieved from UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies: https://cids.up.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/The-Legal-and-Institutional-Ecosystem-of-Halal-in-the-Philippines.pdf. ↑
29. Prior to 2001, the Philippine halal market was regulated by numerous privately owned halal certification bodies (HCBs) across the archipelago. These certification bodies employ their own standards and qualifications in their conduct of audit, inspection and other processes. As a result, due to the absence of a single regulation for halal certifiers, Philippine-based exporters shipping goods to Muslim markets in Southeast Asia and the Gulf Region always encounter problems leading to loss of profit.
    In contrast, neighboring Southeast Asian states have already settled as early as 1998 that halal certification should only be performed by a single body either assigned or mandated by their respective governments. Examples include the JAKIM (Department of Islamic Development) in Malaysia, MUI (Council of Indonesian Ulama) in Indonesia, and the Central Islamic Committee of Thailand (CICOT) in Thailand. ↑
30. The IDCP is not a Muslim organization exclusive to Balik Islam. As a da’wah group, it serves all Filipino Muslims—both born Muslims and converts. Its association with Balik Islam stems from its origins in CONVISLAM and its missionary work among non-Muslim Filipinos. ↑
31. Corona, R. “[G.R. No. 153888, July 9, 2003].” Supreme Court E-Library. July 9, 2003. Retrieved from: https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/48650. ↑
32. Regor, N. The IDCP in Retrospect at 41. Manila: Islamic Da’wah Council of the Philippines, 2022. ↑
33. Halal Brotherhood Lifestyle Magazine. “The Istanbul Meeting.” Halal Brotherhood Lifestyle Magazine 11, no. 35 (June–September 2015). ↑
34. World Halal Council. “HCB Unity Meeting Against Non-Muslim Interference in Halal Issues.” June 6, 2015. Retrieved from World Halal Council: https://www.worldhalalcouncil.com/hcb-unity-meeting-against-non-muslims-interference-in-halal-issues-13-14-june-2015-in-istanbul-turkey.html. ↑
35. Ibid. ↑
36. Online interview with Ismail Abayah, February 19, 2023. ↑
37. Interview with Raquel Leongson, February 12, 2023. ↑
38. Adnan, L. “Philippines Ranked Among Best Muslim-Friendly Destinations.” The Halal Times, 2025. Retrieved from: https://www.halaltimes.com/philippines-ranked-among-best-muslim-friendly-destinations/ ↑
39. DTI Export Marketing Bureau. Presentation during the 2022 World Halal Forum, Conrad Hotel, Manila, November 2022. ↑